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Canada 

Beiiarttnent of Stiines 

Hon. LOUIS CODERRE, Minister; 
R. G. McCONNELL, Deputy Minister. 



CfS^oIoQlcdl Suro^Q 



Museum Bulletin No. 10 

ANTHROPOLOGICAL SERIES, No. 5. MAY 16, 1915 



THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE 
WINNEBAGO INDIANS, AN INTERPRETATION 



by 



Paul Radin 




OTTAWA 
Government Printing Bureau No. 1501 



,>^/<^ 



pr^o 



-^KA- 



sy 



CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Introduction 1 

I. Interpretation OF THE TWOFOLD DIVISION AND THE CLANS 4 

II. The SOCIAL organization of thf Winnebago 8 

Relation of the present to p. evious Winnebago types of 

social organization 8 

The twofold grouping — names arid religio-mythological 

interpretation 10 

Functions of the twofold division 12 

The clan organization 16 

Legendary grouping of clans 17 

Arrangement of clans in village 19 

Individual names 20 

Attitude toward clan animals 23 

Relationship to clan animals 24 

The clan tie 27 

The socio-political complex. 

Clan functions 28 

The reciprocal relationship of the clans 30 

The "servant" relationship 32 

The specific possessions of the clan 33 

Immaterial possessions of the clan 34 

The clan marks of identification 35 

The clan as a socio-ceremonial complex 36 

Influence of the clan upon ceremonial organization 38 

Phonetic key 40 



N 



May 16, 1915. 



Canada 

Geological Survey 

Museum Bulletin No. 10 

ANTHROPOLOGICAL SERIES, No. 5. 



The Social Organization of the Winnebago Indians. An 

Interpretation} 

By Paul Radin. 

INTRODUCTION. 

The social organization of the Winnebago is based upon a 
twofold division of the tribe, which seems to represent an historic- 
ally ultimate social grouping, not only for the Winnebago but 
likewise for a majority of the other Siouan tribes— the Dhegiha 
group,2^ the Tciwere group,^ the Hidatsa, and the Mandan. 
What its original significance for these tribes was, it is now 
impossible to determine, for the different re-interpretations it 
has undergone necessarily preclude, in the absence of historical 
data, the possibility of satisfactorily demonstrating this point. 
As a matter of historical fact, we do not even know whether we 
are to regard the above social grouping as having been a common 
possession of these tribes before they parted company, or as 
having developed among one of them and subsequently spreading 
among the others. Could we unhesitatingly assume as criteria 
the tenacity with which these people adhere to this grouping 
when in contact with other groupings and the intimate linguistic 
and cult ural relationship that seems to exist, at least between 

1 Based on notes in the private possession of the author. 



2 Includes Omaha, Ponca, Osage, Kansas, and Quapaw*'^^^^ ®^ ^^^G/?^ 
'Includes Oto, Iowa, and Missouri. J«^-V. < 




iUN t m 




2 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. 

the Winnebago, Dhegiha, and Tciwere, we would be compelled 
to accept as true the former of these historical possibilities. 
Such, as a matter of fact, is probably the correct interpretation. 
However, it might properly be objected that the Mandan, cer- 
tainly the Hidatsa, do not exhibit such an intimate cultural 
and linguistic relationship to the other tribes mentioned and yet 
exemplify the same social grouping; that it is found among the 
Creek and among a number of other tribes. The twofold 
grouping associated with exogamy has indeed developed fre- 
quently enough to justify us in including it in a consideration of 
historical possibilities . 

Even were we to accept in toto the criteria of tenacity, 
how much does it tell us of social organization ? The social 
unit is itself a complex, and it is absolutely essential to know 
whether it is the social unit as such, or some element of the 
complex, that is really the prime mover in the "tenacity" ex- 
hibited. A few examples will make this point clear. The 
Melanesian societies exclude women. They are, however, 
in all cases associated with religious and ceremonial observances 
in which women do not participate. Now, is the "tenacity" that 
the societies exhibit with regard to the exclusion of women an 
expression of the nature of a "society" or is it historically the 
reflex expression of the religious and ceremonial observances 
associated with it ? Among the White-earth Ojibwa, an English- 
man or an American who marries into the tribe is enrolled in 
two new clans, the Lion and the Eagle, these animals having 
become associated in the Indian mind as clan totems with the 
respective people. That is, all the manifold differences of social 
organization between the Ojibwa and the whites play an insig- 
nificant role as compared with a grouping apparently determined 
by "religious" criteria. Strangers, like Dakota, who have no 
animal associated with them, have among the Ojibwa no social 
status. Among the Winnebago, again, if a new clan were to be 
adopted among them, its connexion with one or the other of the 
divisions would depend upon its clan animal. If the clan 
animal was a bird, it would immediately be placed in one of the 
divisions; if any other animal, it would belong to the other 
division. 



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 3 

These examples bring out quite forcibly the point made 
above, that the "tenacity" exhibited to-day or at any particular 
time is itself not a constant, for at different epochs different 
elements of the social unit may determine it. That, however, 
the twofold division of the Winnebago is a social-political 
grouping is, I believe, unquestionable, although to-day, to the 
minds of the Winnebago, not the social-political grouping, but 
one element — and probably one that has been secondarily 
associated with the original grouping — determines to what half 
a new clan shall belong. 

These general considerations are of considerable importance 
in the study of Siouan culture, because we are there confronted 
with a specific application of the criteria of "tenacity" and 
quantitative resemblances. The twofold division of the tribe 
is found among the Winnebago, Dhegiha, Tciwere, Hidatsa, 
and Mandan. The Dhegiha and Tciwere show numerous 
cultural and specific sociological similarities to the Winnebago, 
and this, together with the intimate linguistic affiliation, makes it 
fairly certain that the twofold division goes back to a common 
origin. Difficulties in the interpretation appear, however, as 
soon as we approach the Hidatsa and Mandan, who present 
only general cultural similarities to the above-mentioned tribes, 
and among whom nevertheless a dichotomous social division 
exists. If dichotomy is the significant factor in the social 
organization of all these tribes, one might very well claim that 
here an example of the "tenacity" of social organization is to be 
found. 

Such reasoning is, however, a typical example of a purely 
detached analytical interpretation. The essential characteristic 
of this social organization is not the dichotomy but the cultural 
complex-dichotomy, exogamy, specific names, and the functions 
of the two halves. Now, while it may be justifiable to consider 
this division as historically primary for the Winnebago, Dhegiha, 
and Tciwere, it does not follow, owing to the innumerable 
possibilities of the formation of a twofold division, that wherever 
such a division is found and a linguistic relationship can be demon- 
strated, we are dealing with a common cultural possession. 
These social organizations can only then be considered as com- 



4 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. 

parable when it can be demonstrated that the salient elements 
of the complex are the same. In the absence, however, of histor- 
ical data, sameness at any given time may only mean sameness 
in the interpretation of the cultural phenomena by the people. 

INTERPRETATION OF THE TWOFOLD DIVISION AND 

THE CLANS. 

We have assumed that the twofold division of the Winnebago, 
Dhegiha, and Tciwere had a common historical origin, because 
this complex is the same in each case. As we have seen, our 
identification was based upon the existence in these three tribal 
units of specific similarities apart from those of social organiza- 
ation. Rigid proof that the type of social organization is his- 
torically identical among these tribes is not, however, forth- 
coming. This will become even more apparent when we con- 
sider the twofold division from the point of view of the names 
they bear, the subdivisions within them, and their specific 
functions. 

According to our informants the twofold organization 
among the Dhegiha and Tciwere only existed upon specific 
occasions, when the tribe was on the tribal hunt. We are in com- 
plete ignorance as to whether in olden times this arrangement 
was reflected in the village, but we know that whether it was or 
not, the twofold division was present in a very difinite manner 
in the consciousness of the people themselves, i.e., every individ- 
ual definitely knew to which one of the two divisions he be- 
longed, and that certain names and functions were associated 
with them. The moment, however, that we stop to analyse 
these names, functions, etc., we realize at once that to-day 
they connote different ideas in the different tribes under dis- 
cussion. The names of the divisions seem particularly signi- 
ficant in this connexion. Among the Omaha they are known as 
Ictacunda and Hayga, probably connoting Sky people and 
Leaders; among the Ponka as Wajaje and Tcjju, Earth and Thun- 
der; among the Kansa as Yata and Ictuyga, Right side and Left 
side; among the Osage as Tcini and Hayga, Peace and War side. 
The names for the Kwapa, Oto, Missouri, and Iowa are not 



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 5 

known. It will be seen at a glance that the terms Ictacunda 
and Tciju are identical, and it will also be noticed by reference 
to the monographs of J. O. Dorsey^ and Miss A. Fletcher and 
F. La Flesche^ that these names as well as the name Hayga 
are names of subdivisions within these divisions. Were these 
names first used to designate the two divisions or the sub- 
divisions ? There seems to be no reason for believing that the 
names were first applied to the larger divisions, whereas a 
number of facts speak strongly in favour of the reverse. In no 
case, for instance, can it be shown that the two divisions per se 
have any functions except that of regulating marriage. The 
various political and ceremonial functions displayed by these 
divisions pertain to the subdivisions composing them. Owing 
to the massing together of a number of such functions on each 
side, we often obtain the impression that these belong to the larger 
unit as such. And indeed this may be said to be true at the 
present time, in so far as the functions of one subdivision have 
become identified with the larger unit. We will treat of these 
points afterwards. All that we wish to point out here is that 
the names of the two divisions may be different, and that they 
may connote different ideas in the different divisions of an histor- 
ically related culture, due to specific historical development 
within each. Among the Cegiha, there seem to be a number 
of reasons for assuming that the present names of the two 
divisions are not the historically primary ones, and we will 
have to look askance at such an attempt as that of Miss Fletcher 
and F. LaFlesche to regard the names of the Ictacunda and Hai)ga 
divisions of the Omaha as indicating the historically fundamental 
religio-social concepts of that tribe. 

It is far more difficult to discuss the names of the sub- 
divisions or "gentes" within the two larger divisions. From a 
comparative point of view it must be regarded as significant 
that the names of the subdivisions within the Tciwere tribes 
tally almost exactly with those of the Winnebago and that those 
of the Dhegiha tribes tally with the names of many of the two 
latter, although they possess, in addition, a large number not 

1 "A Study of Siouan Cults," B. A. E. Annual Reports, Vol. XI. 
» "The Omaha Tribe," ibid.. Vol. XXVII. 



MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. 



found among them. The Tciwere and Winnebago have animal 
appellations for their clans, the Dhegiha have animal appel- 
lations, plus type of designation, descriptive of animal taboo. 
Which of the two types is older it is difficult to say. The fact 
might be noted, however, that the animal names have, to a 
large extent, been forgotten and that the descriptive taboo-appel- 
lations have not; that in a number of cases there is some reason 
for believing that these animal appellations have been re-inter- 
preted and in other cases replaced by non-animal designations; 
that the origin myths of these divisions always explain why a 
certain animal is associated with a subdivision, and rarely 
the origin of the taboo name; and, lastly, that the larger percent- 
age of personal names is strictly comparable to the clan names of 
the Winnebago and the Tciwere. On the other hand, the de- 
scriptive taboo type of name is found frequently among the band 
appellations of the Plains Indians, with whom the Omaha have 
come in intimate contact and by whom they have been influenced 
along definite lines of ceremonial and social development. 
For these reasons we would like to suggest that the animal 
appellations are historically primary and that the taboo type 
became subsequently popular and spread over the whole tribe. 
Examples of changes in the names of subdivisions are by no means 
isolated. The Winnebago exhibit a tendency to substitute 
names indicative of the function of a clan for the old animal 
names — and this has gone so far that a large number of individ- 
uals would probably deny to-day that the Hawk and the Warrior 
clan are one and the same. Again, among the Osage, Kansa, 
and Kwapa we find Sun and Star clans, and, if we were to imagine 
that for some reason or another the latter type of name became 
popular, it might here become dominant within a comparatively 
short time. 

Like the twofold division, the clan may connote a number 
of different things to the minds of the Indians. The Omaha 
apparently use the term tonwgg&on, which means literally 
"place-of-habitation-of-those-related," g&g being the possessive- 
reflexive pronoun. It would thus seem to coincide with a 
geographical unit. The Kwapa use the term enikaciga, evidently 
meaning "people"; the Kansa, the term way limidq, "those-who- 



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 7 

sing- together" ; the Osage, the term p^da, "fireplace"; and the 
Winnebago, the term hokik'a-'radjdra, "those-related-to-one- 
another." The remarks made about the specific names of 
the twofold divisions apply here. There is no reason for assum- 
ing that these names are historically primary. A possible 
historical hint that they are not will be mentioned later. 

The twofold division apparently regulates nothing but 
marriage. It has at the present time no other function per se. 
Nevertheless, a number of ethnologists, and for that matter 
Indians themselves, speak of the functions of the two sides. 
If we consider the Omaha "circle," we notice that practically all 
the ceremonial functions are on one side; that among the Osage 
"war" and "peace" functions are found on both sides; and that, 
as a matter of fact, the functions of war and peace apparently 
relate to a certain reciprocal relation existing between the two 
divisions. Indeed, there is no reason to justify the use of these 
terms. Among the Iowa, J. O. Dorsey quotes Hamilton to the 
effect that the regulation of the hunt and other tribal affairs 
was in the hands of one "phratry" during the autumn and 
winter, and in that of the other in spring and summer. It is, 
however, doubtful whether this was the case. Among the 
Winnebago, as we shall see, the functions of war and peace 
were grouped together on one side, the functions of the other 
side being confined to those relating to the policing and regulation 
of the hunt. But the only fact with which we can concern 
ourselves is not whether there appears a balancing of functions 
connected with the social organization, but whether the Indian 
thinks there is ; and here the consensus of opinion favours the view 
that no Omaha, e.g., would for a moment suppose that the 
Haygacenii division as such was the custodian of the real pipes 
of peace. This belonged to the Inkesahe gens, and there is not 
a shred of evidence to support the view that it was delegated to 
that clan by the larger unit. The same reasoning applies to 
the Harjga clan. That the importance of the possessions of the 
latter clan played an important part in the associations of the 
Omaha, even to the extent of impressing its name upon the 
whole division, we do not doubt for a moment. Other reasons 



8 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. 

may have led to the designation of the other half by the name 
of one of its component clans. 

Similarly, among the Ponka, the Wajaje half corresponds 
to the Wajaje clan, the keepers of the sacred pipe; and among the 
Osage, the Tcjju and Hayga divisions of one side, and the Wajaje 
divisions of the other correspond to clans with the same name 
that are associated with important ceremonial-political functions. 
On the other hand, we have the fact that among the Kansa the 
names of the two large divisions are distinct from any of the 
clans in those divisions, and the same is true for the Tciju 
division of the Ponka. If we correlate this last fact with the 
apparent absence of any association of important ceremonial 
or political functions with specific clans, the suggestion might 
be permitted that no incentive existed in the minds of these 
people for the clan becoming identified with the larger divisions. 
Among the Winnebago, the names for the divisions are quite 
different from those of the clans composing them, but at the 
present time the fact that the clan in each division has definite 
functions and powers has reacted on the interpretation of the 
social organization, and it is quite customary to refer to one 
half as hurjh or "Chiefs," and to the other as "manqp'e" or 
"Soldiers," the latter name for the second phratry, however, not 
being common. 

In short, we have a right to see in all the facts mentioned 
indications of a possible historical development whose character- 
istics seem to lie in the identification of the name and function 
of an important clan with that of a much larger division. 

THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE WINNEBAGO. 

RELATION OF THE PRESENT TO PREVIOUS WINNEBAGO TYPES 

OF SOCIAL ORGANIZATION. 

The Winnebago social organization has long since broken 
down, but its details are still so well preserved in the minds of the 
older men, and particularly in the literature of the tribe, that no 
difficulty was experienced in reconstructing it. This recon- 
struction, however, does not enable us to determine the relation 
of the clan and dichotomous division to the distribution of the 



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 9 

tribe over the large area once occupied in Wisconsin. That the 
4,000 odd individuals composing the tribe at the advent of 
the whites lived together is extremely doubtful. The nature of 
the woodland of Wisconsin and the fairly extensive territory 
over which they (Winnebago) were found scattered not long 
after Nicollet's first visit are facts that practically exclude such 
a hypothesis. The myth that speaks of a village that at one 
time was so long that those living at one end did not know what 
was transpiring at the other, contains too many literary touches 
to justify its use as an historical document. 

The question of village groups is of considerable importance, 
because there may have been, cutting across the gentle organiza- 
tion, another smaller, perhaps looser social unit, that of "band" 
or village setting off (to the minds of the people) one group 
against another. Systematic questioning has elicited from 
various individuals the information, also corroborated by 
historical records, that the villages were generally known accord- 
ing to geographical location or were descriptive of the haunts of 
certain animals. Even to-day the group scattered over the 
Nebraska Winnebago reservation are commonly known under 
similar designations. There we find, for instance, the following 
names: kozo-atcira, "those living on the peninsula"; or k"iihg.'tc- 
ira, "those living below," i.e., in the timber; niwq'hatcira, "those 
living near the dirty water"; hiitcxedegominaijgera, "where big 
bear settles," etc. If we may, then, suppose this to have been 
a customary association, we may quite properly ask whether 
the name of the village had any influence on the social organization, 
whether there is even a hint at a genetic relation between these 
two types of group names. The only hint of such a relation is 
the fact that formerly honi "band" seems to have been used 
instead of hokik'aradjdra; that an archaic name of the Wolf 
clan, regoni or degoni, may mean Lake-band; and that the villages 
all had geographical names. All of which, however, is, I realize, 
hardly sufficient evidence. 

No satisfactory demonstration has as yet been made indicat- 
ing that the clan organization was ever associated with an histor- 
ically simple social structure, whereas quite a number of reasons 
lead us to suspect that it was in all cases preceded by other 



10 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. 

types of organization. In North America there is quite consider- 
able evidence tending to show that village-group organization 
often preceded the clan, and for that reason the facts brought 
out above may be of more than casual significance. That a 
system of clan names different from that now in use existed is 
borne out by the archaic names for the Bear and Wolf clans. 
That another system was making headway against the animal- 
name type is apparent from the disappearance of the name 
Hawk and the substitution of the term Warrior clan; and from 
the common custom of calling the Thunder and Bear clans Chief 
and Soldier clan respectively. What is especially significant 
is the fact that these three new names all represent the same 
type of change, the substitution for animal designations, with 
the correlated associations of descent or connexion with an 
animal ancestor, of designations indicative of the function of the 
clan. If the association of the social unit with a common animal 
ancestor was preceded by an association of a social unit with 
geographical location, we would then be able to demonstrate what 
is so rare in ethnology, the historical succession of types of nam- 
ing. Having established that, there would be thrown open to 
us legitimately the historical-psychological question whether 
any necessary genetic relationship between these three types of 
naming existed, and whether this succession of names is to be 
regarded as a reflection of distinct changes in social organization. 

THE TWOFOLD GROUPING NAMES AND RELIGIO-MYTHOLOGICAL 

INTERPRETATION. 

The Winnebago are divided into two divisions, one known 
as the waygeregi herera, "those who are above," the other as the 
mqnegi herera, "those who are on earth." Descent was reckoned 
in the paternal line. But these appellations refer to the animals 
after whom the clans are named, the term waygeregi covering the 
birds, the term rnqyiegi, land and water animals. So firmly has 
this idea of the division of animal forms become associated with 
the two divisions that, as mentioned before, were a new clan 
introduced now among the Winnebago its position would depend 
exclusively upon the nature of the animal associated with it. 
As similar reasons dictate clan groupings among some of the Cen- 



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 11 

tral Algonkin tribes, a few words concerning this type of associa- 
tion will not be amiss. The groupings of the fauna into a distinct 
number of categories is extremely common in North America. 
Among the Winnebago, a number of other Siouan, and Central 
Algonkin tribes, there was a fivefold classification : earth animals, 
sky animals, empyrean animals, aquatic animals, subaquatic 
animals. Among the Winnebago, the thunderbird belongs to 
the empyrean; the eagle, hawk, and pigeon, to the sky; the bear 
and wolf, to the earth; the fish, to the water; and the water spirit, 
below the water. This religio-mythological conception has 
unquestionably received a certain amount of sympathetic 
elaboration at the hands of shamans, and particularly at the hands 
of the leaders of such ceremonies as the Winter Feast, the Clan 
Feast, and the Clan Wake, as well as at the hands of those who 
had in their keeping the clan origin myths. 

The characteristics of the thunderbird, eagle, bear, and water 
spirit as clan animals, and as animals connected with a division 
of fauna are related to the general conception of these animals 
per se. The eagle and hawk are birds of prey; the thunderbird 
is generally a deity granting long life, and associated with peace, 
although his connexion with war is by no means uncommon. 
Similarly, the bear is supposed to have a ''soldier" nature, 
and the water spirit is intimately associated with rites pertaining 
to crossing streams, calming the sea, and ownership of water 
property. This correlation unquestionably indicates an influence 
of the religio-mythological conception of the animal upon the 
social group with which it is associated. How far this can go 
is abundantly attested by the names and behaviour of the warjger- 
egi and mqnegi divisions. 

On the other hand we may legitimately ask: what influence 
have the two divisions had upon moulding the attributes of these 
animals, or upon the behaviour of the groups with which their 
name is associated ? The functions of a warrior may have 
determined, as they certainly have accentuated, the "warrior" 
characteristics of the eagle and hawk, nor is there any easily 
intelligible reason why the thunderbird should be associated 
with peace. From our knowledge of the social organization of 
other Siouan tribes, the political functions of the clan seem to be 



12 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. 

the characteristic feature of the organization, and this being the 
case, the probability of associations of warHke and peace attributes 
with animals may as much be ascribed to the influence of the so- 
cial unit as vice versa. As regards such functions as the exogamy 
of the two divisions or that of the clans, or of the reciprocal 
burial relationship of the waijgeregi and mqnegi divisions, we, of 
course, know that the characteristics of the animal in question 
have nothing to do with the matter. We must, then, realize 
that we are dealing with reciprocal influences, of the religio- 
mythological conception of animals on the one hand, and of 
political functions of social units on the other. In some casss, 
such as the specific associations of the water spirit, it is probable 
that the religio-mythological conception of the animal is dominant. 
The association of the thunderbird with fire has likewise not been 
due to any activity of the social unit; and thus examples might 
be multiplied. In this connexion, the fact that animals with whom 
a multitude of associations have already been established are 
subsequently associated with social units, is fundamental. From 
this point of view, the animal names of social organization are 
intrusive features, and we will consequently expect to find 
historical adjustments. This, we think, is what has taken place 
here. The animal name with its religio-mythological conceptions 
was a remarkably strong unit, even as compared with the 
political unit, and as a result reciprocal influences took place. 
Although the religio-mythological influence must have been 
marked, it appears to have changed none of the marital and other 
functions of the two divisions, nor the political functions of the 
clans. What it did change, and change fundamentally, was 
the interpretation of the social organization. 

FUNCTIONS OF THE TWOFOLD DIVISION. 

The only function that the wayjgeregi and mqnegi divisions 
seem to have had was the regulation of marriage. A waygeregi 
man had to marry a mqnegi woman, and vice versa. The only 
other function exercised by these divisions was, according to 
some informants, reciprocal burial. Here the religio-mythologi- 
cal interpretations seem in part to have determined this relation 
for a mqnegi man buried a waygeregi man because, as a "land 



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 13 

division," it pertains to him to place a corpse in the earth. 
This, however, seems to be a doubtful function, for earth burial 
seems in olden times to have been characteristic only of the 
mqnegi division, the warjgeregi clans having had scaffold burial. 
In addition, the burial relation was one of the many reciprocal 
duties of the "friend-clan," and if it was ever postulated of the 
waygeregi and mqnegi, this was likely due to the fact that the 
"friendship" relation seems also to have existed between two clans 
belonging to the two different divisions. According to one myth, 
however, the four clans of the waygeregi paired off as "friends" 
with four clans of the mqnegi. This would then be practically 
equivalent to saying that the mqnegi buried the waygeregi. 

N 




Figure 1. A, Mg.negi side; B, Waygeregi side. 

1, Lodge of Bear clan; 2, Lodge of Thunderbird clan; 

3, Lodge of Warrior clan; 4, Lodge of Buffalo clan. 

Thus far we have spoken only of the socio-political functions. 
The two divisions, however, play a part in a number of social 
and ceremonial connexions: first, in the organization of the 
village; second, in the arrangement of the clans while on the war- 
path; third, as the basis of organization at the "chief" feast; and 
lastly, as the basis of organization of the ceremonial lacrosse game. 



14 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. 

According to the majority of the older people, when the old 
social organization was still intact, each village was divided 
into two halves by an imaginary line running due northwest by 
southeast, thewaTjgeregi clans dwelling in one half, with the Chief's 
lodge in the south, and the mqnegi clans dwelling in the other 
half, with the Bear or Soldier lodge in the north (Figure 1). 
Although this arrangement has now become almost legendary, 
it was corroborated by many of the older people. To what 
extent every village was organized on this basis, it is impossible 




Figure 2. 1, Lodge of Bear clan; 2, Lodge of Thunderbird clan. 

to tell. When this question was directly put to individuals, 
the answer was always in the affirmative. Quite a number of 
old individuals, however, denied vigorously that such had 
ever been the organization of the village, and claimed, instead, 
that the lodges of the Chief and the Soldier (Bear) clan were in 
the centre of the village (Figure 2). 

In looking over the clan affiliations of the informants, we 
noticed, however, that arrangement 1 was always given by 
members of the bird clans, and arrangement 2 by members of 
the Bear clan and generally also by others on the mqnegi side. 
This fact, of course, makes the decision as to the relationship 



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 15 

of these two types of arrangements quite difficult. There can be 
no question as to the existence of a twofold division of the tribe 
as far as marital regulations were concerned, nor as to the 
segregation of specific clans in definite villages. When on the 
warpath, the twofold division manifested itself in the arrangement 
of fire-places, so that the question to be resolved here is whether 
we can credit the statements that this twofold division expressed 
itself in the arrangement of the village, and, if it did, whether 
this was characteristic of the whole tribe or only of parts of the 
tribe. That this was true for part of the tribe, can be accepted. 
Whether it was true for the whole tribe, however, cannot be 
definitely answered until we know more of the Dhegiha and 
Tciwere. In the subsequent discussion of the clan, we will 
touch on this subject again. 

The twofold organization is reflected in the arrangement 
of the fire-places when on the warpath, each division having 
two fire-places, whose location is determined by the direction 
in which the party is going. If they were going west, for instance, 
the two fire-places for the waygeregi would be on the south and 
the two for the mqnegi would be on the north side. On the 
other hand, when on the tribal move or hunting, no indication 
of the divisions exists. 

As the basis of ceremonial organization, we find the twofold 
division present only once — at the Chief feast (huijk'wohq), but 
as this feast is to all intents and purposes a feast given by the 
bird clans in general, there is really nothing surprising about 
its use. The name (huyk'wohq) would seem to indicate that we 
are dealing simply with a feast of the Thunderbird clan, and this 
indeed may have been the case historically. Hurjk' to-day, 
however, is frequently used to indicate the war/geregi division. 

As the basis of organization in a game the twofold division 
finds expression in ceremonial lacrosse. There the watjgeregi 
are always pitted against the mqnegi. A well-known myth is 
associated with this arrangement, according to which the animal 
ancestors of the war/geregi and mqnegi decided their respective 
rank by playing a game where they were organized on this basis. 
The waygeregi won, and it is for this reason that the chiefs of the 
tribe have been selected from that division. The division of the 



16 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. 

tribe into two halves when playing ceremonial lacrosse is character- 
istic not only of the Winnebago, but of the Omaha, Menominee, 
Sauk, Fox, and other tribes. Among the former two, these sides 
are identical with the two aforementioned political divisions 
of the tribe, but among the latter two, where no such division 
exists, the tribe seems to divide itself into two halves merely 
on this occasion, although we know that this is not the only 
occasion upon which it behaves in this manner. 

Up to the present, we have treated the two divisions as 
social units per se, but now, before entering on the discussion 
of the clans, it may be well to point out the fact that the waygeregi 
people are sometimes spoken of as the Bird clan {wantyk' hoki- 
k'aradjdra), and that the four clans composing this side are so 
intimately related, and their clan origin myths so similar, one 
of them even declaring the other three bird clans to be merely 
the descendants of the three younger thunderbird ancestors, 
that the assumption of the four clans representing one clan 
that became split up into a number of divisions, is not 
outside the realm of historical possibility. This is, however, 
quite immaterial, for whether we have one bird clan opposed to 
eight other animal clans is of little consequence, since historically 
it is not the bird clan that is opposing the other clans, but one 
social unit, the division, set off against another. The numerical 
equality that exists between these two sides, in spite of the 
disparity in the number of clans, is perhaps another confirmation 
of the fundamental character of the twofold structure. 

THE CLAN ORGANIZATION. 

There are twelve clans (hokik'aradjdra) among the Winne- 
bago: the Thunderbird (wak'andja), the Warrior {wonayere warjk- 
cf^O.the Eagle (/caxce^O . and Pigeon (rw/cge), now extinct, belong- 
ing to the warjgeregi half; and the Bear {huyh), Wolf {curjktcuyk^) , 
Buffalo {tee), Water-spirit (waktcexi), Deer (tea-), Elk (huwq), 
Snake (wak'q), and Fish {ho'), all belonging to the mqnegi half. 

In addition to the above names, we have the name Chief 
{huyk) applied to the Thunderbird; Hawk {keretcy), to the 
Warrior; {manype) Soldier, to the Bear clans. 



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 17 

Clans are likewise referred to by names indicative of respect. 
Thus, the Water-spirit is referred to as huyge, male members of 
the Bear clan as haga, and female members of the same clan as 
warowina. It was claimed that these names were employed to 
avoid using the others. Degoni (meaning unknown, perhaps 
"lake-people") was also applied to the Bear; and tconayke 
(meaning unknown) to the Wolf. 

Referring to the two village diagrams, we notice that accord- 
ing to Figure 1, four clans have their lodges definitely located — 
the Thunderbird, Warrior, Buffalo, and Bear; but that according 
to Figure 2 only two clans have definite location of lodges — 
the Thunderbird, and Bear. In addition there is, however, 
a special lodge for the men who have especially distinguished 
themselves in war, not necessarily to be identified with the mem- 
bers of the Warrior clan. The significance of the clan names 
has been discussed before. 

The meaning of tconayke is unknown to-day, but it may be 
of interest as an example of the manner in which the name of 
a clan may possibly be reinterpreted that, when pressed for a 
meaning, tconayke was translated blue-back, which is a literal 
translation of tco and nayke, but which unquestionably represents 
a folk etymology, for, according to Winnebago grammar, blue- 
back would have to be nayke tco. 

Legendary Grouping of Clans. 

According to many clan legends, the clans originated in 
a definite order. As might be expected, this differs according 
to each clan, but the order of origin of the important ones seems 
to be constant. That is, practically all clan origin myths 
speak of the bird-clans as having originated first, and the Bear 
clan as having followed next. Yet even this did not hold true 
for all informants. 

J., of the Bear clan, gave the following list: 

Good Thunders (Thunderbird) 

Bad Thunders (Warrior) 

Eagle 

Pigeon 

Bear 



Ig MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. 

Wolf 

Water-spirit ( ?) 

Buffalo 

Deer 

Elk 

Snake 

The same order was given by a number of other informants. 
In the Bear clan legend the order is water-spirit, birds, bears, and 
in practically all the versions of the Bear clan legends the bear 
always finds the footprints of the wolf, which would indicate 
that the latter had preceded him. Nevertheless, in the versions 
of the Wolf clan myth, the bear footprints are found by the 
Wolf people, and, strangely enough, in the same version the Wolf 
people are represented as the last clan, whereas in another 
version of the myth they are represented as being the first clan. 
In still another myth, the Water-spirit is represented as first, etc. 
These discrepancies can be explained in only one way, one that 
was to be expected, namely, that each clan tried to augment 
its own importance by insisting that it was one of the first, if not 
the first, to have originated. About one thing all seem to be 
agreed — that the Snake clan was the last. The Fish clan is rarely 
mentioned and, in general, appears to be a very late addition. 

It is thus clear that no historical importance can be attached 
to the order of the clans. More significance must, however, 
be attached to the statements that certain clans have originated 
at special places. Thus, while the majority trace their origin 
to Green bay, the members of the Warrior and Buffalo clan claim 
certain lakes far to the south of Green bay as their original 
home. Here the literary tendency to associate the origin of the 
clans with a lake of a definite character makes any discussion 
practically futile. It is, of course, quite plain that the tribe 
as a unit, localized in a definite place, did not adopt animal 
names for their various clans, but that a type of name gradually 
spread over all the local groups. One of these local groups 
may have become associated with a definite place of origin. 
Perhaps the association of Green bay as the place of origin is 
precisely such an instance. The local associations of the Warrior 
and Buffalo clans can also be taken as suggestive of an historical 
past. That the prevalent association of Green bay as the 



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 19 

origin of the tribe is due to the literary-legendary tendency 
towards uniformity, is, on the whole, quite likely. This seems 
illustrated by the fact that the Warrior and Bufifalo clans in some 
of the versions of their clan myths claim specific places, while 
others claim Green bay as their ancestral home. Green bay 
must, therefore, be considered as one of probably many local 
associations, connected with a prominent clan, which came 
to be accepted in the course of time by most of the others. 

Arrangement of Clans in Village. 

As in Figure 1, all the clans of the waygeregi division except 
the Thunderbird and Warrior, could occupy any position in the 
half-circle, and the same was true of those of the mg.negi division 
except the Bear clan. The Bufifalo clan seems to have been grouped 
on the waygeregi side. However, in both divisions the members 
of each clan had to be grouped together, a segregation that was 
further emphasized by the erection near each clan of an earthen 
effigy of the clan animal. According to all informants, each 
village was inhabited by members of various clans; in no case 
did a village merely include members of the same clan, as seems 
to have been the case among the Menomini. Among the latter, 
village exogamy probably existed, while no trace of this is found 
among the Winnebago. This clan segregation in every Winne- 
bago village became, after a while, practically identical with 
blood relationship, although the close relationship existing 
between members of the same clan may also partially represent 
the persistence of a local group consciousness. 

This distribution of the same clan over many villages would, 
indeed, seem to militate against the local group origin of the clans, 
but it must be remembered that the clan organization was of 
considerable age and there is no reason to suppose that the 
local groups could have had any influence now discernible. 
The village arrangement must, of course, not be pushed too 
hard, for we should expect a tendency on the part of informants 
whose knowledge was entirely hearsay, to cast their information 
in a more or less schematic mould. The old village sites seem 
to indicate that the bird effigy was dominant in some places and 



20 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. 

the bear in others, although both are also often found together. 
Looking at our facts from another point of view, it is quite 
clear that clan segregation must not be taken too literally. 
Clan exogamy would necessarily prevent that. If the old 
exogamy of the two divisions was in force and a man was thus 
compelled to marry into his mother's division but not into her 
clan, every village would have had to be arranged in an extremely 
artificial manner, that was not likely to have occurred frequently. 
That a man often lived with his parents-in-law, would in addition 
again disorganize the regularity of the scheme. Finally, we have 
the evidence of the myths, which often speak of a man as depart- 
ing on a journey when seeking a bride. All these customs, 
cutting across the village scheme in a number of ways, must 
have rendered it a rather complex unit. That, in spite of all 
this, clan exogamy could have been maintained even in a small 
village is unquestionable, but the reason for this lay, we suspect, 
in the limitation of the concept of blood-relations. With 
these considerations in mind, we may, then, admit clan segre- 
gation. 

Individual Names. 

With the animal appellation of the clan, one naturally 
associates animal names of individuals, for there is, indeed, 
a correlation between them. Animal names of individuals 
are, however, frequently found when the social units have 
names of an entirely different kind. A similar lack of correlation 
exists between the manner and system of naming and the type 
of social organization. That, on the other hand, the social 
organization may fundamentally influence the nature of the 
individual name is also apparent. Only with these points in 
mind can the Winnebago individual names become intelligible. 

The study of Winnebago names can be approached from a 
purely static point of view, and the attempt made to bring 
them analytically under a certain system of naming; or, on the 
other hand, from a dynamic historical view-point. We shall 
try to undertake both. Every clan has a distinct set of names. 

The Winnebago individual names lend themselves easily 
to categories of classification. We have the following classes: 



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 21 

I. According to colour. II. According to physiological 
characteristics. III. According to social functions. IV. De- 
scriptive of animal and plant forms. V. Descriptive of animal 
characteristics. VI. Descriptive of natural phenomena. VII. 
According to quality. VIII. According to episodes of a legend- 
ary origin. IX. Descriptive of personal achievement. 

According to practically all informants only one of these 
classifications is present in the minds of the Winnebago to-day — 
that commemorating incidents relating to the origin of each 
clan. Thus, for instance, because the first thunderbird lit on 
a tree, the name He-who-lights-on-a-tree exists; because a wave 
swept over the shore in the wolf myth, we have the name Wave; 
etc. However, the most representative names of this type 
are such as Gives-forth-fruit-as-he-walks, Makes-the-day-tremble, 
He-who-comes-singing, Judge-of-the-contest, etc. The vast ma- 
jority of names, although many can be interpreted as possible 
episodes of the clan ancestors, belong under the first seven 
categories described above. Yet the Winnebago interpret them 
all in terms of category VIII. Can we accept this present 
interpretation as historically primary ? We think not. A 
large number of the clan names are purely descriptive of animal 
habits, others express the influence of social organization, for 
instance "Soldier" in the Bear clan, "Chief" in the Thunderbird, 
and others refer to personal achievements, etc.; secondly, the 
interpretation is of too specific a nature to be regarded as one 
that could possibly have dictated an original system of naming; 
and, thirdly, in spite of its prevalence, other systems of inter- 
pretations are present. For example, the interpretations ob- 
tained by J. O. Dorsey are largely symbolical, and make no men- 
tion of the one we found so prevalent. A purely symbolical inter- 
pretation was, it is true, obtained in some cases, notably from 
what one might call the "exoteric" members of the tribe, that is, 
from those who were insufficiently acquainted with the clan 
myths and customs. Another type of name characteristically 
developed among the Omaha and Central Algonkins, is the so- 
called "dream-name," a name supposed to represent some 
incident connected with the dream of the individual bestowing 
it. In all these cases we are speaking of the specific names. 



22 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. 

If we include the nicknames, and then the birth names, we 
have five distinct systems of individual names. Remembering 
that every individual had three names, a birth name, clan name, 
and nickname, of co-ordinate importance, we must not exaggerate 
the importance of the clan name, especially in its social signifi- 
cance. An individual is known by his birth name or nickname, 
generally, however, by the former, which sufficed absolutely as 
a mark of identification under normal conditions. The clan 
name was rarely known by a member of another clan or even 
to all members of the clan. A marked religious symbolical 
flavour clung about it, and this was enhanced and elaborated by 
the shaman and principal members of the clan. The way was 
thus open for the development of specific interpretations such as 
the dream, symbolical, and notably the ancestor-episode type. 
The ancestor-episode type seems to have been the last. The 
uniformity it brought about in the interpretation of individual 
names was all the more easily accomplished in view of the fact 
that this esoteric interpretation was not disturbed by the influ- 
ence of any popular system, since, as has been pointed out, 
the nature of the clan name prevented it from having any 
distinctively social-political value. Many such reinterpretations 
must have taken place in the history of the tribe, and we may 
thus obtain some idea of the insurmountable difficulties in the 
way of a proper understanding of names. Psychologically two 
processes are always active in these changes in name connota- 
tion: first, the reinterpretation of the old names according to 
some definite system of classification; and, secondly, the formation 
of new names on this basis. Interpreting a name, probably 
merely descriptive of the bear's manner of walking, like Re- 
traces-her-footsteps, into an incident connected with the origin 
of the clan, and, on the other hand, giving a name like Scatters- 
flowers-as-he-walks, are two examples of the two processes, 
which must have occurred at every change. In the case here 
cited, reinterpretation in no way does injury to the name itself. 
It frequently happens, however, that the significance of a word 
is lost and that, in the process of reinterpretation, names are 
interpreted in a characteristic folk-etymological manner. Tcoy- 
anke, given above, is a case in point. In addition to the possible 



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 23 

meaning of "blue-back," it has been interpreted as "first," 
from tconi. In the same way degoni has been interpreted as 
re "to go" and honi, "to hunt"; and hotcaygera has been subjected 
to a multitude of interpretations. This folk-etymology not 
only overrides the grammatical peculiarities of Winnebago, 
but even makes faulty compounds conform to the Winnebago 
principles of grammar. Inquiry into the origin of the clan 
names will, for these various reasons, have to be regarded as one 
of the most unprofitable of investigations. 

Attitude Toward Clan Animals. 

We mentioned before that when the animal names became 
associated with the social groups, they were accompanied 
by the specific associations clustering around these animals. 
These associations were probably of the same type, if not indeed 
identical with those grouped around the animals as guardian 
spirits. The clan animals are among the principal guardian 
spirits to-day, and we must expect to find an explanation of the 
attitude toward them as clan animals in the attitude the Winne- 
bago exhibit toward the guardian spirit. To a certain extent 
it would be quite correct to say that the guardian spirit became 
the clan animal. This does not, however, mean, in the slightest 
degree, that the guardian spirit of the individual became the 
clan animal, but merely that the concept of the guardian spirit 
became associated with a local group. 

The guardian spirit is at the present time conceived as an 
immaterial being in control of an animal species. The attitude 
toward this spirit is a purely religious one, and exhibits a marked 
absence of taboo of any kind. It is an open question whether 
a vision must be attested by obtaining some part of the animal 
"embodiment" of the spirit, but there is no doubt that every 
vision is symbolized by a special gift from the "spirit." The 
guardian spirit complex may thus be said to consist of a special 
religious attitude plus symbol. 

The attitude toward the clan animal is characteristically 
different in this respect, that more emphasis is laid upon identi- 
fication with the animal itself, as contrasted with the "spirit." 



24 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. 

As far as could be determined, the clan animal is the thunder- 
bird with his characteristics of lightning and thunder, of the bear 
who likes honey and raisins, etc. The animal is engraved as clan 
symbol and used as a property mark, and he is brought in intimate 
contact with the group by the postulation of descent. Natur- 
ally, descent is not from the "spirit" animal but from the 
animal. Nevertheless the clan animal has, at the same time, 
retained its place as a guardian spirit, and in a most suggestive 
way. The blessing of a clan animal is more easily obtained by a 
member of the clan than by an outsider. The clan animal is a 
sort of clan protector. 

In this change of attitude two considerations seem pertinent: 
first, the possibility of the "spirit" nature of the guardian 
spirit being a product of the esoteric elaboration of the religious 
societies, and that its apparent absence in the clan animal 
represents an exoteric conception; and, secondly, that under 
the influence of the social functions of the clan, an originally 
strong religious conception of the clan animal gave place to an 
identification with the animal species itself. It might be ob- 
jected that there is no inherent correlation between social 
organization and animal species as contrasted with spirit animals. 
It seems certain, however, that descent could only be reckoned 
from the animal, and as long as it is postulated it must be from 
the animal. With regard to the historical priority of the "spirit" 
conception, little can be definitely said except, first, that the 
systematization it has undergone suggests the influence of the 
esoteric societies, and secondly, that the visions obtained during 
fasting appear to speak of the guardian "spirit" as an animal. 
On general psychological considerations we are inclined to 
believe in the contrast of the material and spiritual conception 
of the animal as a real fact, although it would be hazardous to 
say whether one or the other lies at the basis of the attitude of 
the individual toward his clan animal. 

Relationship to Clan Animals. 

The question of descent from the animal brings us to the 
consideration of the whole intricate relationship of the individual 
to the clan animal, a subject that has played so prominent a 



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 25 

part in discussions of totemism. There are two distinct sources 
for the determination of this relationship, data obtained in reply 
to direct questioning, and that contained in some miscellaneous 
myths and in the origin myths. Part of the oral data is merely 
a reflex of the origin myths, but part is not. The value of this 
"unwritten" material lies in the fact that it represents the popu- 
lar, exoteric attitude, the attitude that, on the whole, is not 
the result of conscious rationalization, and also in the fact that 
this exoteric view may very likely have been the basis for the 
esoteric interpretation. 

The most prevalent view of the relationship of the individual 
to his clan animal is that of descent from an animal, transformed 
at the origin of the human race into human beings. This view 
is expressed in some of the origin myths and reflects the general 
conversation with individuals. Direct descent from an animal 
was never postulated. The definition of the term "animal" is, 
however, very difficult. The Indians themselves seem to make 
a distinction between the animal of to-day and the animal of 
the heroic age. The main characteristic of the animal of the 
heroic age was his power of transformation into human form 
and vice versa. Although he has lost this to-day, he is neverthe- 
less descended from this animal. The human beings are, 
however, descended from precisely the same "animals," so 
that it might be well to bear in mind that descent from the 
transformed animal does not mean descent from the animal of 
to-day. This view is more systematically expressed in some 
places. According to one miscellaneous myth , the existing human 
beings and animals were descended from the same being, who 
once possessed infinite powers of transformation now into 
human, now into animal shape. At one time, presumably the 
beginning of our present creation, these "beings" either consciously 
or unconsciously exhausted all their "transforming" power, and 
the form into which they changed themselves, human or animal, 
remained fixed for all time. The existing animals have never 
succeeded in regaining their power of transformation, and among 
human beings this power has only been vouchsafed to those 
few who have obtained it as a special gift from some spirit. 
Even then, however, it is ludicrously incomplete, as compared 



26 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. 

with the same powers of the primordial "beings." This con- 
ception of the animal-human archetype must not be regarded 
as at all flavouring of a philosophy, developed after contact 
with Europeans. The error that has always been committed 
in discussions as to the nature of descent from the animal lies 
in confusing our concept of animal species with the term "animal" 
as used by primitive people, and also in lack of discrimination 
between the possible connotations of that same term, as applied 
to animals of to-day and those animals which are brought into 
intimate contact with the clan ancestor. 

There is no reason for regarding the specific descent from 
the totem as a transformation of this Winnebago idea of the 
origin of human and animal forms. The latter conception is 
entirely a religious one, whereas the former is merely an extension 
of the genealogical tendency prevalent in many types of social 
organization. Instead of being merely descended from an 
individual in a given social unit, the bond of membership within 
this unit has been strengthened by the postulation of blood 
relationship to the clan animal. Descent may thus be looked 
upon as one of the elements necessary for the stability of a 
political unit, and is far older than its specific extension to those 
clan animals. A very illuminating example of a case in point 
can be selected from the history of the war bundle in the Thunder- 
bird clan. This bundle, like the others, was obtained as a gift 
from the thunderbird in his capacity as a guardian spirit. The 
Winter Feast has, however, been markedly influenced by the 
clan organization and as a result, we find descent from the 
thunderbird and night spirit, the two most important spirits 
in the ceremony, postulated of the original owner of the war 
bundle. The same tendency is exhibited in the numerous 
stories of the connexion of an individual of the heroic age with 
a village. Here the individual, generally a transformed guardian 
spirit or animal, comes to the aid of the people in their struggle 
against cannibals, defeats the latter, and marries into the village, 
becoming the ancestor of the subsequent village group. 

At the same time no strong correlation apparently exists 
between a totemic organization and the extension of descent to 
include the clan animal, for this seems to be a peculiarity of 



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 27 

individual cultures. Bonds other than descent from the animal 
are frequently found and must unquestionably be considered 
as older than the latter in a number of cases. On the Northwest 
Coast, among the Creek, Iroquois, and other tribes, descent 
from the totem is not found. Among the Winnebago themselves 
we find, in addition to the above, the idea that the Thunderbird 
clan takes its name from the fact that its members imitate the 
actions of that animal. Some versions of the origin myth give 
no reason at all for the name, while according to others an animal 
is killed and becomes reincarnated as a human being in a certain 
village, the group taking its name from this fact. The descent 
from the totem, however, where it has not been primary, owing 
to its being a reflex expression of the social organization, quite 
generally supplants the other interpretation. 

The Clan Tie. 

In intimate relation to the attitude toward the clan animal 
is the conception of the tie binding one member of the clan to 
another. In no case did an individual regard the bond between 
him and another member of the same clan as based upon descent 
from the same animal. Blood relationship was always given 
as the reason for exogamy, as is brought out by the word for 
clan (hokik'aradjdra). This concept of blood relationship was 
extended to the mother's clan generation. As we have pointed 
out, there is no reason for assuming that blood relationship 
is the primary explanation. The number of explanations for 
exogamy existing between one clan and another, and that 
of the clans of one side as opposed to those of another, indicate 
clearly how readily interpretations of this phenomenon change. 
The Bear does not marry into the Wolf clan because they are 
friends (hitcatoro), and does not marry into the Bufl'alo clan 
because it belongs to the same side, or no reason is assigned at all. 
Before the question of the clan tie can be thoroughly understood, 
the kind of blood relationship that is here meant must be more 
carefully defined. This is not a general but a very definite 
notion, and may be said not to extend beyond four generations, in 
fact, not beyond the direct knowledge of some living individual. 



28 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. 

This will be brought out more clearly by the following tables, 
based on actual genealogies: 



(F) 


Thunderbird — 


(F) 


Bear —Bear (M) 1 


(F) 


Eagle —Eagle (M) 2 


(F) 


Wolf —Wolf (M) 3 


(M) 


Thunderbird — Thunderbird (M) 4 




—Bear (F) 5 




or: 


(F) 


Thunderbird — 


(M) 


Bear —Bear (M) 1 


(M) 


Bear —Eagle (F) 2 




—Thunderbird (F) 3 



All these marriages are permitted. In the first case a 
man marries into his maternal grandmother's maternal grand- 
father's clan; and in the second a man marries into his paternal 
grandmother's clan. We will consequently have to consider 
blood relationship as extending only to four, sometimes three, 
generations, and have to regard the statement of blood-relation- 
ship as the tie binding the members of the clan together as purely 
fictitious and secondary. That, nevertheless, this fictitious 
tie called forth the same feeling as that of real relationship, 
there is abundant evidence to show, and that it was of consider- 
able importance in the development of the Winnebago clan- 
complex is borne out by the fact that the clan was called "those- 
who-are-relatives-to-one-another. ' ' 

THE SOCIO-POLITICAL COMPLEX. 

Cla7i Functions. 

The association of political functions with definite social 
units is a common phenomenon for most cultures where a 
tendency toward socialization exists. It is strictly comparable 
to the association of ceremonial and religious functions with 
ceremonial units. In this connexion, the difference between 
an association with a group unit and an association with an 
individual, is of fundamental importance. Is the former, for 
instance, merely an extension of the latter ? This only individual 



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 29 

history can demonstrate. Such a genetic relationship between 
the two depends probably as much upon the nature of the political 
function as upon anything else. The exact time when this 
socialization took place is also of great import here. Among 
the Winnebago, some individuals claim that the functions 
of the public crier were inherent in the Buffalo clan, while others 
insist that any person who had counted coup four times was 
eligible for the ofhce. Now, in this case not only is it possible 
but it is extremely probable that public criership was originally 
connected with an individual, and that subsequently it became 
associated with the Buffalo clan, probably by reason of a certain 
relationship existing between this clan and the Chief clan. It 
must, of course, be remembered that a grouping had already taken 
place, because the requirement of having counted coup four 
times made a large number of warriors potentially public criers. 
(Here the grouping together was due to the successful performance 
of certain test-acts.) Its association with membership in the 
Buffalo clan represented on the one hand a restriction of the 
number of individuals, on the other hand the addition of another 
qualification. Historically, then, the quaUfication of member- 
ship in the clan supplanted the other qualifications, at least in 
the eyes of a large number of individuals. What has been 
said of the development of the functions of the Buffalo may also 
be generally applied to that of the Warrior or Hawk clan. 

Political functions may, however, become connected with 
a group unit without the individual playing any role either in 
directing or in developing such an association. The functions 
of preserving peace and of acting as intermediary, that among 
the Winnebago are connected with the Thunderbird clan, and the 
police and disciplinary functions connected with the Bear clan, 
may represent such types of association. In the absence of 
historical data, no demonstration can be made. It will, however, 
be shown later that association of ceremonial-religious functions 
with a social unit has actually occurred. That the police 
and disciplinary functions of the Bear clan developed from those 
of individiuals, on the basis of requirements similar to those of 
the public crier, is quite improbable, and no indication of that 
exists. The functions of the Thunderbird clan likewise do not 



30 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. 

lend themselves readily to such an interpretation. But even 
should we accept the necessity for the priority of the one over 
the other types of association, we must still insist that psycho- 
logically the functions are in each case associated with a group 
unit and that we are not dealing with the relation of cause 
and effect but with a new association. 

Four of the Winnebago clans have specific political functions, 
the details of which cannot be discussed here. The Thunderbird 
is the chief clan, and in addition to the fact that the chief of the 
tribe is selected from it, has important functions connected 
with the preservation of peace; the Warrior clan, that relating 
to war; the Bear clan, that relating to policing and discipline, 
both within the village and while on the hunt, etc.; and the 
Buffalo clan, that of public crier and intermediary between 
the chief and his people. The Wolf, Water-spirit, and the Elk 
clans seem also to have possessed minor political-social functions. 
Thus, the Wolf people were considered in the light of "minor" 
soldiers; the Water-spirit people as connected with the passage 
of streams, etc. ; and the Elk as connected with the care of the 
fire-places while on the hunt and warpath. This accounts for 
seven of the twelve clans, and it thus seems as if the association 
of political functions with clans was a type that had found 
great favour among the Winnebago, and was perhaps being 
extended to every clan. Among the Dhegiha, associations of 
ceremonial functions with social units seem to have found cor- 
responding favour, while among the Central Algonkin neither 
type occurred. 

Marked political and ceremonial functions of the clan 
are the distinguishing characteristics of the Siouan organization 
and have given an entirely different picture to clan structure 
there. 

The Reciprocal Relationship of the Clans. 

We have seen that one of the bonds between the clans was 
the fact that they belonged to the same side. But there is a 
special bond between certain clans known as "friendship" relation 
(hitcak'o-ro). This always subsists between two, although it 



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 31 

seems occasionally to have been extended to three or four clans. 
Most informants gave these groups in such a manner that the 
"friendship" relation was not postulated between clans belonging 
to different divisions; although one individual postulated them 
just on this basis, i.e., Thunderbird — Bear, Warrior — Wolf, etc. 
There can, however, be no doubt that the prevalent arrange- 
ment is: Thunderbird — Warrior; Eagle — Pigeon; Bear — Wolf; 
Buffalo — ^Water-spirit; Elk — Deer; Snake — Fish. Most informants 
do not claim any pairing for the Snake, while some associate it 
in a threefold grouping with the Buffalo and Water-spirit. 
The four clans of the waygeregi are generally united in a fourfold 
group of "friend," although some divide them into Thunderbird — 
Warrior and Eagle — Pigeon. 

Under the term "friend clan" is included the idea of mutual 
service. This becomes especially marked on two occasions; 
first, when a member of one clan visits his "friend-clan," and 
second, when an injustice has been done a member of the "friend- 
clan." On the former occasion every possible privilege is 
extended to him, even to his occupying the seat and bed of the 
host. There is no indication of "wife borrowing," however. 
On the latter occasion, the "friend-clan" will seek to revenge 
the injustice just as if the wrong had been done one of its own 
members. The respect shown by one clan to its "friend-clan" 
is again apparent at the "naming" feast. There he may be 
called upon to give the dog names for an individual of the clan 
with which he is associated, and, at times, to lend one of his 
clan names to the latter. 

The relation of "hitcato-ro'' or "friend-clan" is strictly 
analogous to that which exists between two individuals who are 
hitcak'9-ro to each other. It is one of the characteristic traits 
of Siouan culture that two individuals often form a strong 
inextricable friendship. Not only are they always together, 
but the death of one on the warpath involves that of the other. 
The same intimate relationship seems to exist between an 
uncle Qiideh) and his nephews Qiitci^cge). There is, however, 
one fundamental difference between such relations as that existing 
between the hidek' and hitcycge, the members of the family group, 
and the members of the same clan, on the one hand, and the in- 



32 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. 

dividual and dan hitcahrro, on the other. In the former there 
is the bond of blood, real or fictitious, in the latter only that of 
mutual service. On the other hand, while the hidek'-hitcycge 
relation, the individual hitcak'j-ro, and the clan hitcak'rro may- 
be all of different historical origin, they are psychologically the 
same. The postulation even of a fictitious blood bond between 
the dififerent individual hitcak'rro and the clan hitcak'rro is not 
unheard of. For the hitcak'o-ro relation of individuals this is 
always possible, for if one individual dies, his hitcak'o-ro is generally 
adopted to fill his place. On the other hand, the myths seem to 
indicate that no blood bone was regarded as existing between 
them, for they generally married each other's sisters. 

What historical relation the clan hitcak'j-ro bears to the 
individual hitcako-ro relation of individuals, it is impossible 
to state, but the remarks made before are pertinent here, and 
no genetic relationship need be postulated. 

The ''Servant'" Relationship. 

The hitcak'D-ro relation is entirely one between equals, 
irrespective of the inequality of one member of this grouping, 
with regard to the other, in social standing. The Bear clan is, 
for instance, incomparably greater than the Wolf, but this is 
entirely forgotten here. In addition to this "friendship," 
there seems to exist a faintly developed "servant" relation. 
The concept of servant is not that conveyed by the English 
word. It means essentially that a certain clan performs a service 
for another without that specific service being reciprocal. 
Among the Winnebago such a relation exists between the Thunder- 
bird and Buffalo, and the Thunderbird and Elk clans. This is 
not to be confused with the general subordination of all the 
other clans to the Thunderbird and Bear clans when these exercise 
their specific governmental functions. This "servant" relation- 
ship between the Thunderbird and Buffalo clans is politically 
expressed by the fact that a member of the latter visits the 
chief every morning to receive certain directions from him, 
which he then announces to the whole village. But this relation- 
ship expresses itself in another more striking manner — the 



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 33 

lodge of the Buffalo clan is on the wafjgeregi side of the village 
circle, although the Buffalo clan is one of the tnqnegi clans. In 
explanation of this fact we might, on the one hand, assume that its 
relationship to the chief clan influenced its position in the village, 
or that it always was there. The latter seems rather improbable, 
in the face of the unanimity of agreement as to its inclusion 
among the mqnegi clans, and we may, therefore, provisionally 
accept the hypothesis of a shifting of position from one side 
to the other. As this might entail a possible readjustment of 
the Buffalo clan, as regards exogamy, we tried to obtain as many 
instances of Buffalo intermarriages as possible. No case of inter- 
marriage with the wafjgeregi clans was found. However, as 
only eight cases were instanced, no safe inference can be drawn. 

The "servant" relation of the Elk clan to the Thunderbird 
expresses itself in the fact that the former takes care of the 
fire-places of the latter while on the warpath, etc., and that 
the members are supposed to distribute the fire to the other 
clans. In the social customs this relationship is perhaps shown 
by a certain preference of the Elk to intermarry with the Thunder- 
bird clan. This preference is not reciprocal. The word prefer- 
ence is used with the added significance of being consciously 
expressed, and differs from a tendency to intermarriage which 
may exist between the clans, but which is not present in their 
consciousness. Some Winnebago informants even went so far 
as to postulate a hitcak'o-ro relation between the Elk and Thunder- 
bird clan. 

Among the Osage a marked development of the "servant" 

relationship is found. 

Viewed from a broad point of view, the reciprocal social 
and religious services of one clan toward another in the hitcak'rro 
and "servant" relations are similar in nature to the political 
functions of the clan, and they may be taken as another indication 
of the association of political, social, and religious functions 
with a strongly individualized social unit. 

The Specific Possessions of the Clan. 

Among the Omaha, a number of clans have in their posses- 
sion certain objects, around which not merely the clan but also 



34 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. 

the tribal reverence is centred. Historically, we believe that 
these were originally possessions of an individual clan, which 
subsequently became identified with the entire tribe. Among 
the Winnebago nothing in the remotest manner comparable to 
these clan possessions exists, and the few specific objects pos- 
sessed by the clan have never become of real tribal significance. 

The specific material possessions of the clan consist of 
certain war-bundles, one in each clan; and two crooks in the 
possession of the Bear clan. Of more general possession are the 
war clubs, of which there are two types, one found among the 
waygeregi, the other among the mqnegi divisions. In connexion 
with the clan-bundles there are certain ceremonials known as 
clan-bundle or war-bundle feasts, popularly as winter feasts. 
The distribution of the clan-bundle differentiates these from the 
specific possessions of the Omaha clans, and suggests a hint as to 
their historical associations. To all intents and purposes, as 
their individual history shows, these bundles are merely gifts 
from one spirit, the thunderbird, and a secondarily associated 
night-spirit (hqhe). The winter feast might thus be interpreted 
as a society of those who have obtained blessings from the 
thunderbird. The bundle remains in the possession of a certain 
family, however, and cannot pass out of the clan. The war- 
bundle may, therefore, be said to be primarily the personal 
possession of a family which has become associated with all the 
members of the clan to such an extent that it is almost regarded 
as a clan possession. 

In the possession of the two crooks by the Bear clan we have 
an example of specific clan property. The crooks are in the 
nature of emblems and are used on the warpath to indicate the 
extreme line of advance. They are thus of tribal significance. 
When not in use, they are kept in the lodge of the Bear clan. 

Immaterial Possessions of the Clan. 

Although there are no specific material possessions, each 
clan possesses a tyoe of what might be called "immaterial" 
possessions. These all have the added connotation of sacred- 
ness. For the bird clans, this is the possession of fire; for the 



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 35 

Bear, the doorway of his lodge; for the Wolf and Water-spirit, 
water. They were not obtained for all the clans. We indicated 
before that these "possessions" may have been primarily 
connected with the animals associated with the clan, upon 
which an additional socio-religious interpretation has been 
superimposed. The whole subject is, however, closely related 
to that of clan etiquette, for which no explanations can, of 
course, be given now. 

The Clan Marks of Identification. 

As if more fully to set off the social unit of the clan, there 
have come to be associated with it definite marks of identifica- 
tion, such as symbols, property marks, facial decorations, 
and songs. 

The symbols of only two clans were obtained, although a 
number of other clans seem to have possessed them. There 
were the war club {nqmqtce) of the Thunderbird clan, and the 
peculiarly whittled stick (narnqxcnixmi) of the Bear clan. 
When a member of the Thunderbird clan died, a miniature 
war club was buried with him. Whether the narnqxcnixmi 
was buried with a member of the Bear clan, we do not know. 

The property mark consisted of the effigy of the clan ani- 
mal, and was woven on such objects as bags, tobacco pouches, 
etc. It was also frequently engraved on wooden objects. 
Its most peculiar uses, however, were the emblematic earthen 
effigy mounds, in the shape of the clan animal, which were 
erected near the habitation of each clan in the village and in 
the centre of clan squash fields, corn fields, etc.^ 

Associated with every clan are also four clan songs. These 
are supposed to be the four songs sung by the ancestors of 
each clan when they came to this earth. They are always 
sung on the death of an individual, and are supposed to serve 
as a mark of identification in the jouriey of the soul to the 
land of the spirits. The use of these songs is so intimately 
associated with death, that when some hardened offender, 

ipor a fuller discussion of these, see Radin, Some Aspects of Winnebago 
Archaology, American Anthropologist, N.S., 13, 1911, pp. 517-538. 



36 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. 

let US say, some individual who has killed a member of the 
tribe and who refuses to make atonement of any kind, is pursued, 
he defiantly sings his clan songs. 

As a last element in the clan-complex may be mentioned 
the specific facial decorations existing in each clan. 

We have now completed the discussion of clan organization. 
As we saw, it consisted of a large number of cultural elements 
of the most heterogeneous historical origin. So many indica- 
tions are there, indeed, of interpretations, reinterpretations, 
and secondary associations that it is impossible to form any 
correct idea of what is historically primary, except the self- 
evident fact that the complex has grown around a strong 
social-political unit. 

THE CLAN AS A SOCIO-CEREMONIAL COMPLEX. 

Up to the present our attention has been directed entirely 
to the clan as a socio-political complex and only passing men- 
tion has been made of those religious or ceremonial associations 
that may also have clustered around it. Among the Omaha, 
as we have frequently pointed out, these latter associations 
were of paramount importance and probably dwarfed the 
development of the political functions. Among the Winnebago, 
on the whole, they were unimportant. This very fact makes 
the solitary instance in which a fairly marked development 
took place of all the greater val le, quite apart from the fact 
that it happens to give, on the one hand, an exceptionally 
instructive illustration of the secondary association of a cere- 
monial function with a social unit, and, on the other, a similarly 
instructive illustration of the association of a function generally 
belonging to an individual shaman with a social unit. Such 
an association has taken place with the Bear clan, and, owing 
to its importance, we will quote the data in extenso. The 
ceremony is known as "soldiers' dance" (manype waci). 

"When sickness comes upon a Winnebago village, the people 
go to the chief and say, 'Sickness has come upon us, O chief! 
See that your soldiers arise!' And the chief goes to the lodge 
of the leading Bear clansman and, offering him tobacco, speaks 



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 37 

as follows, 'My soldier, I am offering you tobacco, for my 
people have been smitten with disease.' Then the latter 
rises and thanks him. He then informs all his clansmen and 
they give a feast. Then, of those participating, a number of 
males and females are selected, who on the next day, accompan- 
ied by the leader, go around the village four times. If a dog 
crosses their path, they kill it. After they have made the fourth 
circuit, they enter the village from the east end. They there- 
upon visit the sick individuals one after another, dance in their 
presence, and lay their hands upon them. After they have 
visited all the sick, they go to the chief's lodge, where a feast 
is spread for them by the chief's people. The next day all 
those who had been ill become well." 

Here the Bear clan behaves at the same time like a cere- 
monial organization associated with shamanistic practices 
and like an individual shaman. That, to the minds of the Win- 
nebago, this ceremonial function of the Bear clan on this occa- 
sion was regarded as a real ceremony is indicated by the term 
manq pe wad. For the moment, the Bear clan as a social 
unit is entirely lost sight of. Nevertheless, it is the Bear 
clan as such a unit around which the ceremony has crystallized. 
This case is all the more instructive for the very reason that this 
ceremonial association does not form an inextricable element 
in the clan complex, but is merely an aspect that it assumes on 
certain occasions, to the exclusion of its socio-political nature. 
The ceremonial function of the clan is, therefore, not as firmly 
fixed as is the political function. This may merely be an 
expression of the fact that among the Winnebago it had become 
customary to associate ceremonial functions with religious 
societies. 

With regard to the analogy with the individual shaman, it 
might be said that treating a social unit like an individual 
must have been quite common wherever the former was strongly 
marked off by specific functions such as the Bear clan. The 
association of the shamanistic function with this clan may 
have occurred just because of the police functions the clan 
already possessed. On the other hand, it might be pointed 
out that the bear, both black and grizzly, was intimately 



38 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. 

associated with the treatment of disease and was the especial 
guardian spirit of the Indian doctors. 

INFLUENCE OF THE CLAN UPON CEREMONIAL ORGANIZATION. 

Perhaps the most characteristic trait of Winnebago 
culture is the existence of two strong socialized units, that of 
the clan and that of the secret society. Historically both are 
old, and even if we are of the opinion that the clan is historically 
younger, the political unit upon which it is superimposed is 
probably an ultimate historical fact. From the earliest times 
one would have supposed reciprocal influences to have occurred 
repeatedly. The nature of these influences, insofar as they are 
not conditioned by chance, would depend on the respective 
centre of gravity in either unit. It is evident that for the clan 
the organization was of paramount importance, and that 
the addition of cultural associations probably tended to 
strengthen its stability from the point of view of organization. 
On the other hand, the absence of political or governmental 
functions in the religious societies, and the clustering of the 
most multitudinous religious and shamanistic ideas within them, 
rendered the emotional complex of the latter the centre from 
which influences would radiate. At the same time, the ceremo- 
nial unit of organization seems to have been so firmly fixed, 
that any influence of the clan unit of organization upon it 
does not seem likely. As a matter of fact, in the typical sche- 
matic, religious society, like the medicine dance, grizzly-bear 
dance, and night-spirit dance, no influence is perceptible. 
But these religious societies may be regarded as presenting 
no possible points of contact. Where, however, the bond of 
union is supernatural communication with a guardian spirit 
who subsequently became the clan animal, an obvious point 
of contact is given, and this brings to mind a very suggestive 
fact of Winnebago culture — there are, strictly speaking, no 
religious societies based on communication from a clan animal. 
There are, however, clan and clan-bundle (Winter) feasts 
which, in many respects are absolutely identical with the relig- 
ious societies, and which furnish, it seems to us, an example 



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF WINNEBAGO INDIANS. 39 

of just those two kinds of influence that we wished to point 
out, one radiating from the clan, as a unit of organization, the 
other from the entire clan complex. 

In the Winter feasts the unit of organization is the clan. 
Generally all the clans were represented in the person of the 
owner of each specific clan war-bundle. The order of invitation 
was traditionally fixed, but it seems that in a number of cases 
the "friend" clan always had the position of honour. The war- 
bundle owner was not, however, supposed to represent the clan 
at all, but the spirits to whom offerings were being made. 
In every case, although the participants were supposed to 
impersonate a fairly large number of animals, the main blessings 
contained in the bundle were from the thunderbird and night- 
spirit and the main offerings were made to them. Indeed, there 
seem to be two separate ceremonies involved, one to the thunder- 
bird and the other to the night-spirits. 

The question that arises with regard to the clan basis 
of these ceremonial organizations is whether we are to imagine 
that the ceremonial unit of organization was displaced by the 
clan unit, or that the ceremony is of comparatively recent 
origin, let us say at least long after the clan organization 
had been perfected, and that a number of things combined 
to determine the acceptance of the clan as a unit of organization, 
as opposed to the traditional ceremonial one. To the foregoing, 
we must also add the fact that the Winter feast seems to be 
related to similar ceremonies of the Central Algonkin, whose 
influence on the Winnebago must first be determined. If, 
then, we are not in a position at present to suggest the course 
of development, there can be no doubt that the content of the 
ceremony is strictly comparable to that of the religious societies, 
and that there are hints that the ceremonial unit of organization 
had begun to assert itself. If this could be definitely established, 
it would indicate that the clan basis of organization is historic- 
ally primary. 

The clan unit of organization is found in no other Winne- 
bago ceremony, although the specific clan feasts show marked 
influences radiating from the clan complex. The clan feast is 
a typical ceremonial complex, both in type of organization 



40 MUSEUM BULLETIN NO. 10. 

and in content. The difference between it and a society 
like the night-spirit dance lies in the fact that although the 
five principal participants must have specific blessings (bundles), 
they must at the same time belong to the clan. To what 
extent a member of one clan who has obtained a bundle from 
some other clan-spirit can take part in the specific clan feast 
of the latter, it is difficult to determine, but in the buffalo 
feast, assuming that this is unquestionably the real Buffalo 
clan feast, and there seems to be little doubt of it, any person 
who has obtained a bundle from the buffalo can participate, 
although the leader must always belong to the Buffalo clan. 
This example may be taken as an indication of the historical 
origin of these feasts, namely, that they are really religious 
societies in which the influeace of the clan has restricted the 
number of individuals who are ordinarily supposed to occupy 
the five places of honour. That this restrictive influence 
of the clan was caused by the identity of the clan animal with 
the guardian spirit, there can be little doubt. 

Phonetic Key. 

a, as in German Mann. 

e, as in French ete. 

e, as in English men. 

i, as in English pique. 

c, as in English pin. 

0, as in English note. 

0, as in German voll. 

u, as in English food. 

u, as in English put. 

9, obscure vowel like a of English idea. 

c, denotes nasalization of vowel. 

y, ng of English sing. 

1}, n pronounced with tip of tongue against upper teeth. 

Y, voiced guttural spirant, g of North German sagen. 

', denotes aspiration. 

•, denotes that preceding vowel is long. 

', denotes main stress. 



The first number of the Museum Bulletin was entitled, Victoria Memorial 
Museum Bulletin No. 1. 

The following articles of the Anthropological Series of Museum Bulletins 
have been issued. 

Anthropological Series. 

1. The archaeology of Blandford township, Oxford county, Ontario; by W. J. 

Wintemberg. 

2. Some aspects of puberty fasting among the Ojibwas; by Paul Radin. 

3. Pre-historic and present commerce among the Arctic Coast Eskimo; by 

V. Stefansson. 

4. The Glenoid Fossa in the Skull of the Eskimo; by F. H. S. Knowles. 









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